About the Author
Fyodor Tertitskiy
Fyodor Tertitskiy is a leading researcher at Seoul's Kookmin University. He holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from Seoul National University, and is author of "North Korea before Kim Il Sung," which you buy here.
Views expressed in Opinion articles are exclusively the authors’ own and do not represent those of NK News.
On June 14, the blog of a group called the “East Asia Research Center” came out with a sensational claim: Kim Jong Un may have appointed his sister as successor.
Apparently, they say, the “Nodong Newspaper” used the phrase “Center of Party” (sic!) — a phrase once used to describe Kim Jong Il before he was formerly named his father’s successor.
This claim has now been picked up by the Asia Times, as well as several others in the Korean press.
But while there is good reason to believe that Kim Yo Jong’s star has been rising in recent weeks, suggestions that the use of this term means a formal leadership transition is underway are, to put it mildly, overstated.
First of all, “Nodong Newspaper” is, of course, the Rodong Sinmun. “Center of Party” is the “Center of the Party” or, more accurately, “Party Central” (당중앙) – the short form for the “Party Central Committee” (당중앙위원회).
The basis of this claim is this sentence in a June 10 Rodong Sinmun editorial titled “The absolute weapon of the Juche Korea” which contained the following phrase:
No force in the world could impede the progress of our people, who are marching with their ideas and will in line with the Great Party Central, advancing towards the radiant tomorrow.
(위대한 당중앙과 사상도 뜻도 발걸음도 함께 하며 조국번영의 찬란한 래일을 앞당겨가는 우리 인민의 전진을 가로막을 힘은 이 세상에 없다.)
The blog actually drew three consecutive claims out of this sentence:
The reason for this logic is that the term “Party Central” had indeed been used in the Rodong Sinmun in the 1970s to refer to the heir apparent.
Kim Jong Il had been appointed as such in 1974. But before he was publicly acknowledged to the world in 1980-81 as the successor, all — to borrow BR Myers’s terminology — “outer track” press, including the Rodong Sinmun, could not refer to Jong Il by name: they called him the “Party Central.”
The main reason why the claim that the same is now happening with Yo Jong is false is that this is by far not the first mention of the “Party Central” in Rodong Sinmun this year.
A quick search on the Rodong Sinmun’s Korean site for the sobriquet ‘당중앙이’ (“Party Central” + grammatic affix for nominative case) shows that this phrase has been mentioned 19 times in 2020, and well before the Supreme Leader’s sickness and prolonged disappearance.
The June 10 appearance of the sobriquet, then, represents nothing new and signals just as much. As usual, “Party Central” means “Party Central Committee.”
OTHER REASONS TO BE SKEPTICAL
The reason above would be enough to dismiss the entire story, but there are other good reasons to be skeptical about the claims.
Of course, when one assesses information, in most cases one should focus on the message itself. But when the message is highly sensational or controversial, one should definitely conduct a background check first.
Even a brief look at the site in question reveals that it occupies a position in the far-right part of the Korean political spectrum. The most indicative thing is that, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, the site continues to claims that the deposed South Korean President Park Geun-hye is innocent, suggesting this source is less than impartial.
Another good reason to be skeptical is recent history.
By now, North Korea has had not one but two succession campaigns: the most recent being the 2009-2011 succession campaign of Kim Jong Un. At no point was he called “Party Central” — his titles at the time were “Young General” (청년대장) or “General Kim” (김대장).
There is, then, zero reason to believe that, should a Kim Yo Jong succession campaign actually begin, it would be modeled on the succession campaign of her father. More likely, if such a campaign ever begins, it would have its own unique pattern.
Each of the dynasty’s members has his own title. Kim Il Sung is the Great Leader, Kim Jong Il is the Great Commander, Kim Jong Un is the Supreme Leader. North Korea does not mix these up.
In fact, when this author was in the DPRK, I specifically asked if it would be odd to say, for example, “The Great Leader comrade Kim Jong Il,” and the guide said that indeed it would be very, very strange.
One can assume that, should Kim Jong Un appoint a successor, the titles for this person would be new. He could even have the entire ideological department work on inventing them.
Moreover, the reigns of power have been handed down from father to son, not from sibling to sibling.
A powerful Kim sibling at the top is nothing new: Kim Yong Ju, Kim Il Sung’s brother, held significant influence in the early 1970s and even signed a joint declaration with the South in 1972. Kim Kyong Hui, Kim Jong Il’s sister was highly influential in the early 2000s. None of them were appointed successors.
North Korea now is a much less closed place than it was in the 1970s. Here is a vivid example: Kim Jong Un’s succession campaign, as mentioned above, began in 2009. More specifically, it started on his birthday, January 8. In just a week, South Korea’s Chosun Ilbo reported on it.
If and when Kim Jong Un really begins promoting his sister, we will know about it very quickly. There won’t be any need to speculate.
For the time being, let’s not get ahead of ourselves.
Edited by Oliver Hotham
Views expressed in Opinion articles are exclusively the authors’ own and do not represent those of NK News.
On June 14, the blog of a group called the “East Asia Research Center” came out with a sensational claim: Kim Jong Un may have appointed his sister as successor.
Fyodor Tertitskiy is a leading researcher at Seoul's Kookmin University. He holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from Seoul National University, and is author of "North Korea before Kim Il Sung," which you buy here.
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